Since the capitalist mode of production exists and therefore rules the whole planet, all wars are bourgeois, capitalist; beyond the ideologies for which the capital pretends to make them, all wars are wars against the proletariat, they are counterrevolutionary wars.
Beyond the inter-imperialist rivalries, the reason for bourgeois war is always the depreciation, the fall of the profit rate leading to a generalized overproduction of commodities and therefore also an excess of labor force. Even if for its consciousness, it is especially the matter about destroying the enemy, the main goal for the yesterday and nowadays bourgeoisie is still the same: the massive destruction of men that the capitalism turned into today excess commodities. Only communism will suppress wars.
To wage its wars, the bourgeoisie must eliminate the proletariat as a class, that is to say as an active strength, as a party, to break it up into the people, to then recruit these citizens among other citizens behind any flag hiding the hideous face of capitalism, the flag of antifascism or fascism, the progressive or reactionary one, democrat or totalitarianist, the flag of the conquest of a vital space or the national liberation, of the defense of civilized West or anticolonialism,... It is always in the name of peace, freedom, democracy, socialism,... that cadavers heap up, that civilians as military are mutilated with cluster bombs, that they die in concentration camps.
As workers' answer to the bourgeois attacks, internationalism means starting from today to break the social peace, the peace of capital, to develop our struggles where we stand, against our direct exploiters everywhere in the world. We prepare our solution to the bourgeois crisis: the worldwide communist revolution, while answering a stroke for a stroke to the deteriorations of our living conditions. It is the only way to fight against the bourgeois solution that is the generalized war.
The imperialist war triggering off, even a generalized one, doesn't necessarily mean the definitive crushing of the proletariat. Indeed, historically, if the war means in a first time a relative crushing, it can then dialectically determine a resumption all the more stronger because it has exposed the contradictions and the barbarity immanent to the capitalist system. For the revolutionary workers, the struggle against war means directly the revolutionary defeatism.
The revolutionary defeatism turns its back on all pacifism even disguised and radicalized, that is to say not going so far as to give some concrete and precise orders with a view to encourage and to act violently for the defeat of "our" camp, of "our" nation, of "our" armies. The proletarian defeatism means, besides the obvious defeatist propaganda:
If the proletariat wants to definitively get rid of the butchery which massacres it, the one and only solution is the generalisation in acts of revolutionary defeatism. The development of struggle has its own requirements: it must break social cohesion not only in the units of the army but in the whole of society. For this it needs to finish once and for all with nationalism in affirming loud and clear that proletarians have no interest in this war, nor in this dying world. We call for only one war, that which is against our exploiters, whether they are Chechnian, Serbs, Kosovars, Americans, Russians or whatever.
Without having any illusions, given our scattered and isolated state, given the dominant atmosphere of sectarianism and suspicion towards all attempts to organise militancy and towards all attempts to bring to life a centralised direction in revolutionary activity, we can only aim at taking on the minimum level of the perspectives of struggle (denunciation of all nationalists and all imperialist powers, circulation of information, direct support to all internationalist comrades, clarification and assumption of the aims and means of communist struggle...). We aim to achieve this in common with other comrades who act on the basis of internationalist communist activity against capitalist war and peace.
The writing and international circulation of this text allows us to centralise our activities, to get in touch with other revolutionaries, to strengthen the camp of those who defend with us the same internationalist perspectives, to express the needs of all proletarians who revolt against war and misery, and to reinforce, by the clarity of our perspectives for struggle and through our determination, the impact of our refusal.